Bourassa, Deniau & Le Ber: Illicit Trade in Early 18th-Century New France

 

Based on historical records and accounts, here's expanded detail on our ancestors and the context of illicit trade in early 18th-century New France. We’ve (Grok xAI & Drifting Cowboy) focused on verifiable facts from archival sources, biographies, and scholarly works on the fur trade. Notes include citations to sources for transparency.

1. René Bourassa dit La Ronde (1688–1778):
• René was a prominent coureur de bois (independent fur trader) from La Prairie. He learned from Indigenous contacts that English merchants in Albany paid roughly double the French price for beaver pelts, prompting his involvement in smuggling. In 1722, he was caught and fined 500 livres (a significant sum, equivalent to several months' wages for a laborer). Despite this, he persisted in western trade and received official permissions that likely masked continued illicit activities. 
• Supporting Notes: Biography from the Dictionary of Canadian Biography (DCB): "René Bourassa, dit La Ronde, ventured into the extensive illicit trade between Montreal and Albany, New York. He was caught, however, and in July 1722 fined 500 livres." Further details from "The Life and Journeys of René Bourassa dit LaRonde" (blog based on historical records) confirm his shift to western posts like Baie-des-Puants (Green Bay, Wis.) by 1726, and his 1729 trip to New England under cover of carrying letters.
2. The 1722–1723 Trial:
• The case involved René Bourassa, Étienne Deniau dit Destaillis (our 7th great-uncle), and Jean-François Demers (or François Demers in some records), all from La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine. They were accused of "négoce avec les colonies anglaises" (trading with English colonies), specifically smuggling furs to Albany in exchange for English goods. Proceedings included summons for fines, appeals, a default judgment, seizures of property (land, houses, and buildings), and auctions held from June to July 1723. Provisions were supplied to guards during the process, indicating enforcement efforts.
• Supporting Notes: Direct from BAnQ archives (TL4, S1, D2869): The file spans February 15 to December 18, 1723, with summons to pay fines at the request of François-Étienne Cugnet (director of the Domaine de l'Occident). It includes appeals by Deniau and Demers, payment orders, default judgments, auction notices, and cost memoranda. No exact fine amount is specified in the summary, but cross-referenced with DCB and "New France and the Illicit Fur Trade, 1663-1740" (thesis by N.A. Cupid), the 500 livres fine for Bourassa aligns with similar cases. Property seizures targeted Deniau and Demers more heavily, suggesting Bourassa may have had connections that mitigated his penalties.
3. Étienne Deniau dit Destaillis (1691–1730):
• Our 7th great-uncle, son of Jacques Deniau dit Destaillis and Marie Rivet. He married Catherine Bisaillon in 1718 and had children, including Jacques Deneau Detailly (1719–1768). As a resident of La Prairie, he was implicated in the same smuggling network as Bourassa, likely handling local logistics or transport.
• Supporting Notes: Genealogical records from WikiTree and Ancestry confirm family ties. Trial details from BAnQ link him directly to the accusations, with property auctions as punishment. "The Price of Empire: Smuggling Between New York and New France, 1700-1754" (dissertation by E.R.H. Tesdahl) notes similar small-scale traders in La Prairie facilitating contraband via Mohawk networks.
4. Connections to Charles Lemoine de Longueuil:
• In March 1729, Governor Charles Lemoine de Longueuil (governor of Montreal) granted Bourassa permission to carry letters to New England. Historians view this as a probable cover for resuming illicit trade, given Bourassa's history. Longueuil's father, Charles Le Moyne de Longueuil et de Châteauguay, was brother-in-law and trading partner to Jacques Le Ber (our 9th great-uncle), tying into family networks of fur trade elites.
• Supporting Notes: DCB entry on Bourassa: "In March 1729 Bourassa carried letters to New England, a trip which was often cover for illegal trade." Family links confirmed in "Complicated Relationship of the Governor of Montreal and Rene Bourassa" (historical blog) and genealogical sources like WikiTree.
5. Context of Illicit Fur Trade:
• Smuggling between Montreal and Albany was rampant in the early 1700s due to economic incentives: English merchants paid 2–3 times more for beaver pelts and offered superior goods (e.g., woolens, tools). Mohawks from the La Prairie mission often acted as intermediaries, using their cross-border ties. Trade was illegal under French monopolies but hard to enforce due to vast wilderness and Indigenous alliances.
• Supporting Notes: "New France and the Illicit Fur Trade, 1663-1740" (Cupid): Details how coureurs de bois like Bourassa evaded ordinances (e.g., 1673–1674 bans on unlicensed trade, punishable by fines or death). "A Silk for a Pelt" (Canada's History article) describes routes involving Indigenous women carrying concealed furs. "The Price of Empire" (Tesdahl) estimates the corridor handled significant volumes, influencing imperial politics.
6. Jesuit Mission at La Prairie:
• The Mission of St. Francis Xavier (originally St. François-Xavier du Pres) was established in 1667 at La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine for Mohawk converts fleeing Iroquois territories east of Albany. Many Mohawks had prior trade ties with English/Dutch in Albany, which facilitated smuggling. The mission grew to include over 200 residents by the 1670s and moved to Kahnawake (Caughnawaga) in 1676 for better land, but La Prairie remained a hub.
• Supporting Notes: "The Mohawk Migration to the Village of Prayer" (Mohawk Valley Museums): Describes the mission's founding for converted Mohawks. Wikipedia on Jesuit missions: Notes La Prairie as a key site for sedentary Iroquois. "Caughnawaga Mission" (Parks Canada): Confirms 1667 start and Jesuit role in teaching French and Catholicism.
7. Travel Route by Canoe from Montreal to Albany:
• The primary smuggling route avoided the St. Lawrence's rapids and British patrols. It went south from Montreal via the Richelieu River (80 miles) to Lake Champlain (107 miles south), then to the southern end near Fort Ticonderoga. A portage (carry-over land) of about 12 miles via Lake George connected to the Hudson River, then 150 miles downriver to Albany. Total: ~350 miles, taking 10–14 days one way in birchbark canoes, depending on weather/portages. Return trips carried English goods north.
• Supporting Notes: "The Price of Empire" (Tesdahl): Details the Richelieu-Champlain-Hudson corridor as the main smuggling highway, with Mohawks controlling terms. "Canadian Canoe Routes" (Wikipedia): Describes similar fur trade paths. "Voyage of the Paper Canoe" (Gutenberg eBook): 19th-century account echoes 18th-century routes, noting portages and distances.

These details build on our earlier and blog posts notes, emphasizing the economic motivations, family ties, and risks of the era. If you have access to BAnQ images (e.g., 06MTL4S1_51803.jpg), they likely show original trial documents in French.

From Mission to Marketplace

In the verdant meadows of La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, nestled along the south shore of the St. Lawrence River just a stone's throw from Montreal, the Jesuit Mission of St. Francis Xavier stood as a beacon of uneasy harmony in the early decades of the 18th century. Founded in 1667 by black-robed priests eager to shepherd souls, the mission drew Mohawk converts from the turbulent lands east of Albany, New York. These Iroquois, many fleeing intertribal conflicts or drawn by the promise of spiritual solace, brought with them memories of bustling trade with English and Dutch merchants along the Hudson River. Their village hummed with the rhythms of adaptation: birchbark longhouses clustered near wooden chapels, where Jesuits preached in halting Mohawk tongues, borrowing from Indigenous creation stories to weave tales of a Christian god. The air carried the scent of cornfields and smoked fish, mingled with the chants of evening prayers. Yet beneath this facade of piety lay threads of commerce—Mohawks, skilled navigators of both rivers and rival empires, often served as quiet intermediaries in the forbidden exchange of goods between French New France and the English colonies.

Amid this crossroads of cultures lived families like the Bourassas and Deniaus, hardy settlers scratching out lives in the fertile parish. François Bourassa and Marie Le Ber had raised their son René—born in 1688 amid the mission's shadow—into a world where survival meant mastering the wilderness. René, known as dit La Ronde for his rounded features or perhaps his circuitous paths, grew into a coureur de bois, one of those daring "runners of the woods" who ventured deep into Indigenous territories to trade for furs. From Mohawk allies at the mission, he gleaned tales of Albany's markets, where English traders paid twice the paltry sums offered by French monopolies in Montreal. Beaver pelts, the currency of empire, fetched premiums that could transform a modest habitant into a man of means. Tempted by such whispers, René plunged into the shadows of illicit trade, joining kin like his relative Étienne Deniau dit Destaillis and associate Jean-François Demers in smuggling ventures.

The journey to Albany was no idle paddle but a grueling odyssey of stealth and stamina, demanding the agility of a canoe and the cunning of a fox. Setting out from Montreal's bustling wharves under cover of dusk, René and his companions—perhaps a handful of trusted Mohawks or fellow Frenchmen—loaded birchbark canoes with bundles of prime beaver skins, muskrat furs, and deerskins, concealed beneath blankets or in woven baskets. They headed south along the Richelieu River, a winding artery of about 80 miles through marshy lowlands teeming with waterfowl and mosquitoes. Paddling in rhythm to avoid detection by French patrols, they navigated narrow channels and shallow rapids, portaging where the current turned treacherous. After days of steady strokes, the river opened into the vast expanse of Lake Champlain, a 107-mile sliver of blue stretching southward like a dagger aimed at the English heartland. Here, winds could whip up sudden squalls, forcing canoes to hug the wooded shores for shelter, while lookouts scanned for rival traders or soldiers.

At the lake's southern tip, near the ruins of old forts like Ticonderoga, came the arduous portage—a 12-mile overland haul across rugged terrain to Lake George. Shouldering canoes and packs weighing up to 180 pounds, the men trudged through dense forests of pine and hemlock, swatting blackflies and watching for bears or Iroquois war parties. Lake George offered a brief respite, its crystal waters reflecting the Adirondack peaks as they paddled 32 miles south. Another short portage led to the mighty Hudson River, where the current finally favored them. Gliding downstream for 150 miles, they skirted settlements and hid in coves by night, evading British customs if luck held. Albany's wooden stockades and bustling docks awaited, alive with merchants haggling in Dutch accents over woolens, kettles, and rum—prizes far superior to French wares. Deals struck in taverns or warehouses, the canoes reloaded with contraband, and the return trek began: upstream against the Hudson's flow, back over portages, north through Champlain's gales, and up the Richelieu to Montreal's markets. A round trip might span two to three weeks, fraught with exhaustion, storms, and the constant specter of capture.

For René, the profits proved irresistible, but the noose tightened. In July 1722, authorities in Montreal hauled him, Étienne, and Jean-François before the courts, accusing them of "négoce avec les colonies anglaises." Fined 500 livres and facing property seizures, René escaped the worst through family ties—his Le Ber connections intertwined with elites like the Le Moynes. Étienne, husband to Catherine Bisaillon and father to young Jacques, saw his lands auctioned in a humiliating spectacle that summer. Yet the trade's allure endured. By 1729, Charles Lemoine de Longueuil, Montreal's governor and kin through his father's partnership with Jacques Le Ber, granted René leave to "carry letters" to New England—a thin veil for resuming the forbidden exchanges. In this web of loyalty and lawlessness, the mission's Mohawks and La Prairie's families blurred the lines between faith, family, and fortune, forging paths that echoed across empires.

More about Mohawk roles

Building on the historical context of our ancestors in La Prairie and the illicit fur trade, here's an expansion specifically on the roles of the Mohawks (primarily those at the Jesuit mission, later known as Kahnawake or Caughnawaga). We’ve drawn from scholarly sources and historical accounts to detail their multifaceted involvement as converts, traders, smugglers, and cultural intermediaries. Notes include citations to the web search results for verification.

1. Mohawks as Mission Converts and Community Builders:
• The Mohawks at the La Prairie mission (established 1667) were largely Christian converts from traditional Iroquois territories east of Albany. They migrated north to escape conflicts or seek spiritual guidance under Jesuit influence. By the early 1700s, the community had relocated slightly to Kahnawake, growing into a semi-autonomous village with over 1,000 residents. Here, Mohawks blended Catholic practices with traditional lifeways, farming corn, squash, and beans while participating in seasonal hunts and trades.
• Supporting Notes: Wikipedia on Akwesasne and Kahnawake  describes the early 17th-century migration of Christian Mohawks to the mission south of Montreal. "The Mohawk Migration to the Village of Prayer" (Mohawk Valley Museums) aligns with this, noting the mission's role in providing refuge and cultural adaptation.
2. Economic Roles in the Fur Trade:
• Mohawks leveraged their pre-existing ties to Albany's English and Dutch markets, where they had traded prior to conversion. In New France, they informed French coureurs de bois like René Bourassa about higher pelt prices (often double or triple French rates), acting as informants and partners. They supplied furs from their hunts or intermediary trades with other Indigenous groups, exchanging them for European goods.
• Supporting Notes: "New France and the Illicit Fur Trade, 1663-1740" by N.A. Cupid  states: "Mohawk Iroquois were especially prolific smugglers of goods between Montreal and Albany." James Pritchard in the same source notes French illicit traders could triple prices in Albany, with Mohawks facilitating.
3. Smuggling and Intermediary Roles:
• Mohawks were central to the illicit corridor, smuggling beaver pelts south to Albany and returning with English goods like woolens, rum, and tools. Women were particularly active, carrying concealed furs in baskets or canoes to evade patrols. Operations often involved family networks and collaborations with Albany traders like the Wendells, who employed hundreds of Indigenous smugglers in rum trades from the 1690s to 1720s. Smuggling was justified as an expression of sovereignty, allowing economic independence amid colonial restrictions.
• Supporting Notes: "Fur Trading and Frontier Life in French Canada" (DIG Podcast)  highlights Indigenous women from Caughnawaga smuggling furs to Albany. Specific examples include a "pockmarked female Mohawk" trading pelts for goods on credit. "A Silk for a Pelt" (Canada's History)  details Mohawk woman Agnesse from Kahnawake trading with Albany Mayor Robert Sanders, concealing furs in baskets. "Sovereignty, History, and Memory at Akwesasne"  notes smuggling as assertions of Mohawk sovereignty.
4. Collaboration with French Settlers and Jesuits:
• Mohawks partnered with French families like the Bourassas and Deniaus, sharing knowledge of routes and markets. Jesuits at the mission sometimes tacitly supported or overlooked trades, with some priests even involved (e.g., Father Tournois as a business partner in smuggling rings). This blurred lines between mission life and commerce, as Mohawks used their neutral status to cross borders.
• Supporting Notes: "A Silk for a Pelt"  describes collaborations with Jesuits and French smugglers like the Desauniers sisters at Kahnawake. "The Price of Empire" (Tesdahl, referenced in ) emphasizes Mohawk control over smuggling terms.
5. Travel and Logistical Roles in Canoe Journeys:
• Mohawks were expert navigators, guiding canoes along the Richelieu-Champlain-Hudson route. They handled portages, evaded authorities, and negotiated with kin in Albany. Women often led smaller, less suspicious trips, while men provided protection or hunted en route.
• Supporting Notes: "Fur Trading and Frontier Life"  recounts Mohawk women exchanging pelts for canoes and goods. "The Price of Empire" (Tesdahl)  details the corridor's use, with Mohawks as key transporters.
6. Broader Impacts and Legacy:
• Mohawk involvement undermined French monopolies, enriching Albany and fostering cross-cultural alliances. It also reinforced Mohawk autonomy, leading to modern echoes in border economies (e.g., tobacco trade at Akwesasne). However, it exposed them to risks like colonial reprisals or intertribal tensions.
• Supporting Notes: "The Native American Entrepreneur and the Mohawk Civil War"  discusses smuggling as part of a "border economy" continuum. "New France and the Illicit Fur Trade"  notes unprosecuted Indigenous smugglers evading capture due to frontier knowledge.

These roles highlight the Mohawks' agency in navigating colonial empires, directly influencing figures like our 7th great-uncle René Bourassa.

Narrative Expansion: The Mohawks' Shadow Paths

In the flickering light of the Jesuit Mission at La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, the Mohawks carved out lives that bridged worlds, their roles extending far beyond the chapel's tolling bells or the furrowed fields of corn. These Iroquois, many hailing from the verdant valleys east of Albany where they had once bartered with English and Dutch fur merchants, arrived as converts in the late 1600s, drawn by the Jesuits' promises of peace and salvation amid the chaos of Beaver Wars and colonial rivalries.  Numbering in the hundreds by the early 1700s, they transformed the mission—relocated to nearby Kahnawake in 1676 for richer soil—into a vibrant enclave where Catholicism intertwined with Haudenosaunee traditions. Women like the storied Agnesse tended communal gardens of the Three Sisters (corn, beans, squash), weaving baskets that doubled as vessels for secrets, while men honed skills as hunters and diplomats, their longhouses echoing with Mohawk songs adapted to Latin hymns. 

Yet, the Mohawks' true prowess lay in their mastery of the shadows—the illicit fur trade that pulsed like a hidden river beneath the surface of empire. As intermediaries par excellence, they whispered market intelligence to French coureurs de bois such as René Bourassa dit La Ronde, revealing how Albany's traders paid double or even triple the stingy French prices for glossy beaver pelts.  This knowledge, born of their ancestral ties to the Hudson Valley, fueled a clandestine network that defied royal edicts. Mohawks, especially women from Kahnawake, became the linchpins of smuggling, their unassuming canoes and footpaths evading the watchful eyes of French gardes-magasins or British patrols.  A "pockmarked female Mohawk" might paddle south in winter's grip, bearing greetings from a Jesuit priest, to trade eight beaver skins for red duffel stockings, lead bars, or even a new canoe on credit—returning months later with more pelts to settle accounts with Albany dynasties like the Wendells, who orchestrated vast rum-smuggling rings employing hundreds of Indigenous allies from the 1690s through the 1720s. 

Their journeys by canoe to Albany were feats of endurance and cunning, roles that Mohawks embraced with the sovereignty of a people unbound by colonial maps. Launching from the St. Lawrence's southern shores near Montreal, a small party—perhaps a woman like Agnesse with her daughters, or a mixed group including French partners like Étienne Deniau—would load birchbark vessels with furs harvested from western hunts or traded from allies like the Seneca.  Concealed in woven baskets or under deerskins, these prizes slipped past checkpoints as the canoes glided up the Richelieu River's meanders, through reed-choked marshes alive with herons and the buzz of blackflies. Reaching Lake Champlain's expansive waters, they battled winds and waves for over a hundred miles, hugging forested banks to avoid detection. The portage to Lake George demanded raw strength: canoes hoisted overhead, packs slung across backs, trudging twelve miles through tangled underbrush where bears prowled and streams gurgled.  Down the Hudson's swift currents they descended, navigating rapids with poles and paddles honed by generations, arriving at Albany's docks amid the clamor of merchants shouting in Dutch and English.

In Albany, Mohawks negotiated with shrewd traders, exchanging pelts for coveted goods—woolen cloth, iron kettles, rum, or firearms—that outshone French offerings.  The return voyage reversed the toil: upstream against the Hudson's pull, over portages laden with contraband, back through Champlain's tempests to the Richelieu, where goods were discreetly offloaded in Montreal's underbelly or La Prairie's hidden coves. These trips, spanning two to three weeks, were not mere errands but assertions of autonomy; Mohawks viewed smuggling as an extension of their sovereignty, a rightful traversal of ancestral waterways that colonial borders could not erase. 

Collaborations deepened their roles: Mohawks allied with French families like the Bourassas and Le Bers, sharing route secrets and even partnering with Jesuits like Father Tournois, who blurred missionary zeal with mercantile winks.  In Kahnawake's trading posts or La Prairie's fringes, they bartered with figures like Charles Lemoine de Longueuil, whose permissions masked deeper trades. Yet risks abounded—intertribal feuds, harsh winters, or rare prosecutions (though Indigenous smugglers often evaded French courts due to their frontier elusiveness).  Through it all, the Mohawks' ingenuity sustained the illicit flow, enriching villages while chipping at French monopolies, their canoes tracing paths of resistance that echoed into modern border economies at places like Akwesasne.  In this dance of empires, the Mohawks were not mere pawns but choreographers, their roles weaving faith, family, and fortune into the tapestry of New France.

Thank you to Grok xAI for expanded details and narrative support.  -- Drifting Cowboy

Genealogy Act of Kindness: Enjoy my Free Book about La Prairie's Fur Trade

 

"The River's Blood: The La Prairie Voyageur Legacy," -- it's free click below and enjoy.

Google drive link… https://drive.google.com/file/d/12IQsu4snDr7lpmQNEJBYA_sJgu3Pvcal/view?usp=drive_link

In the 17th and 18th century, the destiny of North America was written in the wake of birchbark canoes. This is the epic true story of the La Prairie families—pioneers who traded the stability of the forge and farm for the relentless current of the St. Lawrence.

From the master blacksmiths and axe-makers (Poupart) and canoe-makers (Duquet) to the indomitable runners of the woods (Bourassa, Barette, Rivet), The River's Blood tracks the foundational French-Canadian lineage that fueled the fur trade, charted the wilderness, and etched the family names into the deep history of the continent's expansion. Discover the sacrifice, the ambition, and the unbreakable bond that tied these adventurers to the heart of the Great Lakes frontier.

Drifting Cowboy’s Journey

Jerry England—known as "Drifting Cowboy"—is a master storyteller and genealogist whose own life is a continuation of the North American frontier saga. Raised in the rugged Sierra Nevada foothills of 1950s California, Jerry learned the code of the wilderness from his family—a blend of self-reliance, quiet competence, and deep respect for the land.

His intensive fifteen-year research journey revealed the roots of this heritage: an unbroken line stretching back to the earliest settlers and legendary voyageurs of New France. Jerry England connects the grit of the cowboy culture directly to the tireless spirit of the La Prairie voyageurs, proving that the frontier legacy runs deep in The River's Blood.

Ste. Anne: Divine Protection for a Perilous Journey into the Pays d'en Haut

 

The ritual at the Church of Sainte-Anne-de-Bellevue (often referred to as St. Anne's Church in historical accounts) was a significant tradition for voyageurs during the fur trade era, particularly in the 18th and early 19th centuries. As French-Canadian fur traders and canoe paddlers employed by companies like the North West Company, voyageurs would typically depart from Lachine (near Montreal) in May, loaded with trade goods. Their first key stop was this church, located at the western tip of Montreal Island along the Ottawa River route. Here, they performed a simple but meaningful ceremony to invoke divine protection for their perilous journeys into the Pays d'en Haut (the "upper country" or interior wilderness of the Great Lakes and beyond).

According to accounts from fur traders like Alexander Henry the Elder (in his 1804 journal), the voyageurs would enter the church, which was dedicated to Sainte Anne. They would cross themselves, offer a short prayer, and deposit a small amount of money (a "mite") into a secured box. This donation was intended to fund a mass said by the priest for their safe travels. The church was left unlocked for such visits, emphasizing its role as a spiritual waypoint. This act symbolized the official and spiritual commencement of their expedition, as it was the last Catholic church they would encounter before months or years in remote territories filled with rapids, portages, harsh weather, and other dangers. Upon their return, they might stop again to give thanks.

Sainte Anne's association as the patron saint of voyageurs stems from her broader role in Catholic tradition as the protector of sailors and travelers on water. This naturally extended to the canoe-based voyageurs, who navigated vast river systems and lakes. As Henry noted, "Saint Anne is the patroness of the Canadians, in all their travels by water." Many voyageurs were devout Catholics, and this patronage was widely recognized among French-Canadian fur traders and their Scottish employers. Sainte Anne is also venerated more generally as the mother of the Virgin Mary and grandmother of Jesus, with patronages including pregnant women, grandparents, and various locations in Canada (such as Quebec and Brittany influences). Shrines like Sainte-Anne-de-Beaupré in Quebec further highlight her importance in Canadian Catholic history, though the Bellevue church was specifically tied to voyageur rituals.

While original artworks from the 16th-18th centuries depicting the church are scarce (the current stone structure dates to around 1712-1714, with earlier wooden versions from the late 17th century), historical illustrations and paintings often romanticize the era. Below is a relevant 19th-century-style illustration titled "Blessing of the Voyageurs," which depicts a scene along a waterway with small canoes and a distant church spire, likely evoking the ritual at Sainte-Anne-de-Bellevue or a similar departure point.

Notes:

Saint Anne is historically revered as the patroness of Canadian fur traders, or voyageurs, who frequently stopped at churches dedicated to her, such as the one in Sainte-Anne-de-Bellevue on the western tip of Montreal Island, to pray for safe passage. As the grandmother of Jesus, she was considered the protector of travelers by water. 

Key Connections to Voyageurs & Montreal:

• Final Stop: The church at Sainte-Anne-de-Bellevue was often the last outpost for voyageurs before leaving the island of Montreal to travel west, where they would stop to seek her protection.
• Spiritual Protection: Early fur traders (both French-Canadian and Scottish) in the North West Company considered Saint Anne their protector during dangerous, long-distance canoe journeys.
• Cultural Significance: Prayers, offerings, and "mighty" (small coins) were left by voyageurs at her shrines to ensure safety.
• Patroness of Canada: Pope Pius IX declared Saint Anne the Patroness of Canada in 1876, with her feast day celebrated on July 26.
• Shrines: In addition to Sainte-Anne-de-Bellevue, the famous shrine of Ste. Anne de Beaupré in Quebec is a major center of devotion.

Drifting Cowboy offers thanks to both Gemini and Grok xAI for updates to my notes.

1797 voyageur contract for Charles Boyer, aanalysed by Grok xAI

The notary record below appears to be the actual 1797 voyageur contract (or "engagement") for Charles Boyer (b. 1744 in La Prairie, Nouvelle France our 1st cousin 8x removed), son of Charles Boyer and Jeanne Surprenant. It is entry #2711 in the image, documenting his hiring as a clerk by McTavish, Frobisher & Co. (agents for the North West Company) for a 3-year term in the "Nord Ouest" (Northwest territories). The notary was Louis Chaboillez of Montreal, and the contract was signed on December 29, 1797 (though the page header in your image references December 16, likely the start of a batch of entries).

This record is held by Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec (BAnQ) in their Greffes de notaires collection (microfilm #M620/0067). It is not freely available online as a digital image, but you can request a copy from BAnQ via their archives service (https://www.banq.qc.ca/archives/) or visit in person. Some Quebec notarial records from this period are also digitized and viewable on Ancestry.com in the "Quebec, Canada, Notarial Records, 1637-1935" collection (subscription required). Search for notary "Louis Chaboillez" in 1797, then browse the repertoire or minute books for December entries involving "Charles Boyer" and "McTavish Frobisher" to locate and download the image.

Based on historical transcriptions of this exact contract, here are the key details:

• Length of Contract: 3 years (starting from departure in 1797, ending upon return to Montreal in autumn 1799).
• Role: Commis (clerk).
• Wages: 3,000 livres (old currency of the province), paid upon return, plus food and clothing as customary for North West Company clerks.
• Destination: Pays d'en Haut (Upper Country), known as Nord Ouest (Northwest).
• Company Representative: William McGillivray (on behalf of McTavish, Frobisher & Co.).
• Notes: The contract was reportedly canceled 11 days later (January 9, 1798), and Boyer may not have traveled northwest as planned—possibly due to death, dispute, or other reasons (unconfirmed).

Full Transcription (French Original)

Par devant les notaires de la province du Bas-Canada residens a Montreal soussignés Fut present Sieur Charles Boyer un demeurant a LaPrairie lequel de son bon gré s'est par ces presentes engagé et s'engage aux Sieurs Mc Tavish Frobisher & Company Marchands de cette ville agents de la Société du Nord Ouest a partir de cette ville pour les Païs d’en haut connu sous le nom du nord ouest pour y servir la dite Société pour L’Espace de trois années consecutives a commencer et etre compté du Jour de son depart de cette ville comme Commis a etre Libre a son retour a Montreal dans l’automne de l’année mil sept cent quatre vingt dix neuf. moyennant la Somme de trois mille Livres anciens Chellings de cette Province de vingt (coppres?) par ans pour chacques année pendant le dit terme de trois années qui finiront a son arrivée audit montreal que les dits Sr Mc Tavish Frobisher & Company comme agents susdits promettent et s’obligent de Bailler et payer audit Commis a son Retour en cette ville ainsi que le nourrir et vetir pendant ledit tems comme sont les autres commis dans ladite Société du nord ouest et comme de coutume au dit Lieux.

English Translation

Before the notaries of the province of Lower Canada residing in Montreal undersigned was present Sieur Charles Boyer residing in LaPrairie who of his own free will has by these presents engaged and engages himself to the Sieurs McTavish Frobisher & Company Merchants of this city agents of the North West Company to leave this city for the Upper Countries known under the name of the North West to serve the said Company for the space of three consecutive years to begin and be counted from the day of his departure from this city as Clerk to be free on his return to Montreal in the autumn of the year one thousand seven hundred ninety-nine by means of the sum of three thousand old Livres Shillings of this Province of twenty (coppers?) per year for each year during the said term of three years which will end on his arrival in the said Montreal that the said Sr McTavish Frobisher & Company as aforesaid agents promise and undertake to give and pay to the said Clerk on his return to this city as well as to feed and clothe him during the said time as are the other clerks in the said North West Company and as is customary in the said places.

For visual context on Charles Boyer's earlier involvement in the fur trade (e.g., at Fort Vermilion around 1788), here's a related historical marker:

Grok asked to take a second look...

The image at the top appears to be a page from the notary Louis Chaboillez's répertoire (index or register) for December 1797, specifically entry #2711 summarizing the engagement contract for Charles Boyer. The full notarial act (the detailed contract itself) is a separate document, typically a few pages long, recorded in the notary's minutes (full act books). These are preserved in archival collections and have been digitized for online access, though they require a free account on certain platforms.

Accessing the Digitized Contract

The full act #2711, dated December 29, 1797, is available in digitized form through the following sources:

1. FamilySearch (Free Access):
• Go to FamilySearch.org and create a free account if you don't have one.
• Search the catalog for "Quebec Notarial Records, 1637-1935" or directly access the collection at: https://www.familysearch.org/search/collection/1471015.
• Browse by notary: Select "Chaboillez, Louis (1787-1813)".
• Choose the film/item labeled "Actes notariés, 1797 janv.-déc." (Digital Genealogical Society film #8328293).
• The acts are in chronological order. Navigate to images around 600–700 (December entries) and look for act #2711. You can download the relevant images directly from the viewer.
• Note: FamilySearch images are viewable online but may require being at a FamilySearch Center for some restricted films; however, this one is fully accessible with a login.
2. Ancestry.com (Subscription Required):
• If you have an Ancestry subscription, access the collection "Quebec, Canada, Notarial Records, 1637-1935" at: https://www.ancestry.com/search/collections/61062/.
• Browse by location: Montréal > Chaboillez, Louis (1787-1813).
• Select the folder for 1797 (Actes notariés).
• Acts are chronological; search for December 29 or act #2711. Download the high-resolution images as PDFs or JPEGs.
3. Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec (BAnQ):
• BAnQ holds the originals and microfilms. Search their Advitam catalog at: https://advitam.banq.qc.ca for "Louis Chaboillez" and filter by date (1797).
• The répertoire (index) is digitized and free online (e.g., at https://numerique.banq.qc.ca/patrimoine/details/52327/2276312 for a related published version), but the full minutes are not yet fully digitized on their site. You can request digital copies via their archives service (fees may apply) or visit in person at BAnQ Vieux-Montréal.
• If not online, reference microfilm #M620/0067 for 1797 acts.

Thank you to Grok xAI for this review and analysis. -- Drifting Cowboy