Friday, May 31, 2019

Did French-Canadian Voyageurs Carry Firearms?



Not long ago I read a magazine article in “Field and Stream” by David E. Petzel. 

His article was titled, Were the Voyageurs the Toughest Outdoorsmen of All?” and his tag line stated, “These French-Canadian fur freighters didn’t go heeled, but they were as rugged as outdoorsmen get.”

He goes on to ask and answer the question: What keeps them from the fame accorded to soldiers, mountain men, gunfighters, and other hard cases, is that they never got to kill anyone.” 

“This was not their fault. French Canadians had a taste of war in the 18th century, and killed a reasonable number of British and Native Americans, but their hearts were never really in it. How do you make a movie or write a novel about people who simply worked brutally hard and never packed a gun? You don’t.”

Wait a minute, he wrote, “never packed a gun.”

That set me to thinking… New France had been under continuous attack from the Iroquois for most of the 17th century.

La Prairie (my ancestor’s village) census records showed almost every home had at least one “fusil” (French: a light flintlock musket), and like most parishes, La Prairie had a well organized militia.

Now, there are no old voyageurs around to consult with, so it’s hard to refute David’s statement, but here are my thoughts on the matter…

• Remember there were two categories of voyageurs:

The "Montreal men" who paddled from Montreal to Grand Portage for the annual rendezvous and back to Montreal. 

They almost always had access to trade goods that included guns, powder, shot and ball, and they surely would have used them to defend themselves in an attack.

The "North men" voyageurs who wintered in the interior and brought down furs to Grand Portage to meet the summer brigades coming from Montreal. 

These gents spent long periods of time in the wilderness and were required to build their own shelter and feed themselves by hunting and gathering food.

The few fur trade era journals written and preserved offer plenty of information about North men hunting and being involved in skirmishes with not only Natives, but also rival traders.

So, while I disagree with David’s statement, they “never packed a gun;” I will admit "Montreal men" (especially young voyageurs) were less likely to pack iron.

However, when it comes to ”North men" I believe they almost all went “heeled.” In fact, there are records of voyageur contracts that specifically provide for the provision of firearms and accoutrements by the trade company.

So — yes — voyageurs did carry firearms.




Smoothbore Muskets

Muskets played a vital roll in the settlement of North America and were the most common firearm available during the fur trade era. 

The smoothbore musket was an extremely versatile, efficient firearm used to take every type of game or fowl.

Muskets came in a variety of forms, including The northwest trade gun, French fusil, and fowling pieces (or shotguns). 

They were made as both flintlock or percussion weapons. Muskets were commonly referred to as “shotguns” when being loaded them with shot and as “smoothbores” when loaded with a single round ball.

When a shooter is loading his musket he has the flexibility to load for a specific purpose. 

He can choose to shoot ball or pellets. 

As a shotgun the pellet size, the amount of shot in ounces, and the amount of powder loaded can be changed to match the game or the shooting situation.



Charleville musket 1766


The French Fusil was the musket most likely used by early voyageurs

French fusils were light weight fowling guns with 34 to 45 inch long part octagon barrels (usually in 28 gauge) that were available as early as 1680. 

The standard version was called a “fusil de chase” (fitted with plain iron furniture) when it was built in the town of Tulle. 

The same guns, when built in Charleville or Saint Etienne were called “Trade Guns”. 

An upgraded version with brass furniture was called a “fusil fin” (fine gun). The fusil fin was intended as a gift gun for important Indian Chiefs. 

The fusil fin was preferred as a personal gun by many traders and hunters who wanted something a little fancier than a plain trade gun.




Canoe guns (more myth than reality) were cut down, short barreled, muskets used in canoes (maybe), but more probably when buffalo hunting from horseback.


Incidentally, a short barrel Coach Gun is just about the best protection to carry on wilderness canoe trips today.






Friday, May 24, 2019

Not All Tomahawks Were Created Equal


Tiny 4" x 8 1/2" Bag Axe c 1770


Of all the tomahawks traded to the Indians, by far the most common type was the simple hatchet, or belt axe. This was the earliest type to reach the American Indian, and it remained popular from the 16th through the 19th century.

Belt Axes, and smaller ones sometimes called bag axes (because they could be carried in a possibles bag), were especially common during the 18th century frontier period in North America. 

In New France they were primarily used by coureurs des bois, explorers, and trappers. Because of their small size and light weight they were primarily used for wilderness camp chores. They could be used to section a deer carcass, pound in trap stakes, cut kindling for a campfire or for general camp bushcraft.

Because of their diminutive size bag axes would be hard pressed to be an effective weapon, but they certainly might have been in an emergency.

They were as common to the coureur de bois as carrying a knife, and were found among both European settlers and American Indians. 

Bag axe heads average about 4" tall, while anything smaller than 6" tall is usually considered a belt axe.

In the coming weeks I will be looking at a variety of weapons that might have been carried by our coureurs des bois or voyageur ancestors.

Wednesday, May 1, 2019

OUR EARLIEST LA PRAIRIE ANCESTORS — LIVED IN AN IROQUOIS LONGHOUSE


1680, French mission to the Iroquois at Sault-Saint-Louis (now Caughnawaga)


It's been a few years since I first found and read Linda Breuer Gray's doctoral thesis titled, “Narratives and Identities in the Saint Lawrence Valley, 1667-1720”(1)

While rereading it I found the following excerpt on page 146:

"La Prairie was settled in 1667 on the site of former hunting and fishing grounds of the Iroquois and Abenaki. 

Originally settled as a mission to attract native converts, St. François-Xavier-des-Près [or St.-François-Xavier-des-Praiz] as the mission was known, hosted French settlers by the early 1670s, and was fortified with a wooden palisade in the 1680s. 





Early settlers, Jesuits, Oneidas and French alike, shared one "cabane" or makeshift shelter."

When I first encountered the aforementioned sentence my mind read cabin. But, then I thought... how could the Jesuits, Oneidas and French alike share one cabin?

THEN IT HIT ME — HOLY SMOKES — our earliest La Prairie ancestors were not only Coureurs des Bois, but they actually lived with the Iroquois in a Longhouse!





Narratives continues…

“They worshipped together in one church. A rapidly growing native population of Oneidas, Mohawks, Onondagas. Abenakis, "Panis" and Hurons soon began to govern themselves, appointing leaders for religious affairs and leaders for warfare. 

For a variety of reasons, including depletion of soil, depletion of firewood, and the sale of liquor to natives by the French settlers, the mission site moved upstream in 1676. This was the first of several moves, the last being in 1716, to the present site of Kahnawake (in English sources, Caughnawaga), about fifteen kilometers upstream from La Prairie.





These moves were not uncontested; for instance, the mission took the parish name, chalices, and the bones of a revered native woman who was the founder of the settlement, over the protest of the residents of La Prairie? The two communities stayed in close contact throughout the period under study, exchanging priests, herbal remedies, trading arrangements, liquor, and information. 

In addition, many "panis" from Kahnawake were taken in by La Prairie families, families from both settlements adopted babies from the other, and individuals from the two communities intermarried. 

One of the most famous stories of the interaction of these two communities involves Kateri Tekahkwitha and Claude Caron (2). Kateri, the "Lily of the Mohawks" was considered a model of piety in her own time (see Chapter Six), and Claude Caron was a pillar of the La Prairie parish. Several years after Kateri died, Claude fell deathly ill. A surgeon (possibly Antoine Barrois) tried to cure him, but decided that Claude was going to die. Claude made a vow to visit Kateri's grave, and was miraculously cured the next day, in an event that was considered to be a miracle.

These two communities -- prosperous, populated and vibrant -- were peopled by persons of many different backgrounds. At one time, the residents spoke over twenty languages." Kahnawake's population rivaled the other two large settlements in Canada, Montreal and Québec. 

La Prairie had an estimated population of 99 in 1673; by 1697 the population had tripled to 321. Population growth of the European settlement was moderate during these first dangerous decades. 

The two settlements, handily located at one end of the portage between the St. Lawrence and the Richelieu [rivers], occupied the effective northern reach of the Iroquoian and Abenaki cultures. La Prairie and Kahnawake became arenas of contact between cultures, contact facilitated by a shared interest in trade and survival.




Indian Chiefs (Réserve indienne de Caughnawaga), by Cornelius Krieghoff


Our earliest Ancestors included:


Marin Deneau dit Destaillis (Deniau) (1621-1678) 8th great-grandfather
Son of Clement Deneau (1590-1624) and Julienne Roualt (1596-1656)
BIRTH 1621 • DeLuche Pringe, Du Mans, Maine, France
DEATH 29 OCT 1678 • Laprairie, Quebec, Canada
Marriage 24 Nov 1659 • Montréal to Louise Therese LeBreuil (1636-1726)

Andre Robidou dit Lespagnol (1643-1678) (9th great-grandfather)
son of Manuel Robidou (1620-1667) and Catherine Alve (1618-1667)
BIRTH 1643 • Galice, Burgos, Castilla-Leon, Spain
DEATH 1 APR 1678 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Québec, Canada
Marriage 1667 to Jeanne Denote (1647-1701)

François Pinsonneau dit Lafleur (1646-1731) (7th great-grandfather)
parents unknown
Birth 1646 • Saintogne, Charente-Maritime, Poitou-Charentes, France
Death 26 JAN 1731 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Québec, Canada
Marriage 1673 to Anne LeBer (Leper) (1647-1732) (a King's Daughter - filles du roi)
• 1665, arrived in New France as a soldier in the Carignan-Salières Regiment.

Charles Boyer (1631-1698) (9th great-grandfather)
son of Pierre Boyer (1610-1660) and Denise Refence (1610-1666)
Birth 1631 • Vançais, Deux-Sevres, Poitou-Charentes, France
Death 16 FEB 1698 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Quebec, Canada
Married 1666 to Marguerite Ténard (1645-1678)

Pierre Poupart (1653-1699) (8th great-grandfather)
son of Jean Poupart (1625-1682) and Marguerite Frichet (1625-1682)
Birth ABT 1653 • Bobigny, Paris, Ile-de-France, France
Death 7 JUN 1699 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Quebec, Canada
Marriage 1682 to Marguerite Perras dit La Fontaine (1665-1708)

Francois Dupuis (Dupays) (Dupuy) (1634–1681) 8th great-grandfather
Son of Francois Dupuis (1610–1712) and Marguerite Resneau (1609–1640)
BIRTH 1634 • Gorre, Haute-Vienne, Limousin, France
DEATH Aft. 1681 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Quebec, Canada
MARRIAGE 6 Oct 1670 • Québec, Quebec, Canada to Georgette Richer (1647–1700)

Charles Diel dit Le Petit Breton (1652-1702) (8th great-grandfather)
son of Philippe Diel (1618-1676) and Marie Anquetin (Hanquetin) (1630-_)
Birth BEFORE 1652 • Rouen, Seine-Maritime, Haute-Normandie, France
Death 13 APR 1702 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Quebec, Canada
Marriage 1676 to Marie Anne Picard (1663-1697)
• 1665, arrived in New France as a soldier in the Carignan-Salières Regiment.

Jacques Deneau (Deniau) (Deno???) dit Destaillis (1660-1720) (7th great-grandfather)
son of Marin Deneau dit Destaillis (1621-1678) and Louise Therese LeBreuil (1634-1727)
Birth 2 NOV 1660 • Montréal, Quebec, Canada
Death 29 JUN 1720 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Quebec, Canada
Marriage 1690 to Marie Rivet (1673-1705)

Francois Bourassa (1659-1708) (7th great-grandfather)
son of Francois Bourassa (1630-1684) and Marguerite Dugas (1635-1698)
Birth 1659 • Luçon, Eure-et-Loir, Centre, France
Death 9 MAY 1708 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Québec, Canada
Marriage 1668 to Marie Le Ber (1666-1756)
Francois Bourassa and his three sons: Rene Bourassa dit LaRonde (1688-1778), Francois Joachim Bourassa (1698-1775), and Antoine Bourassa (1705-1780), were known as "the fathers of the fur trade."

Francois Leber (Lebert) (1626-1694) (8th great-grandfather)
son of Robert LeBer (1601-1625) and Colette Cavelier (1605-1694)
Birth 1626 • Rouen, Seine-Maritime, Haute-Normandie, France
Death 19 MAY 1694 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Quebec, Canada
Marriage (1) to BEF 1656 to Marguerite Leseur (1628-1662) (2) 1662 to Jeanne Testard

Pierre Peras (Perras) dit La Fontaine (1616-1684) (9th great-grandfather)
son of Pierre Perras (1590-1660) and Jeanne Lanier (1595-1660)
Birth 21 AUGUST 1616 • Rouen, de la Seine-Maritime, Haute-Normandie, France
Death 30 APR 1684 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Québec, Canada
Marriage 1660 to Denise Lemaitre (1635-1691)

Pierre Gagné (Gagnier) (Gagnon) (1645-1726) (8th great-grandfather)
son of Pierre Gagne (Gasnier) (1610-1656) and Marguerite Roset (Rouzee) (1615-1685)
Birth 24 FEB 1645 • Le Mans, Sarthe, Pays de la Loire, France
Death 26 MAR 1726 • La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, Québec, Canada
1st Marriage in La Prairie-de-la-Madeleine, 1670, to Catherine Daubigeon (1653-1712)


1764, Map of the Montreal area

STUDYING THE FUR TRADE IN CANADA -- IS AND HAS BEEN -- AN EXCITING ADVENTURE THAT SEEMS TO GROW A LITTLE EVERYDAY.

Footnotes:

(1)
“Narratives and identities in the Saint Lawrence Valley, 1667-1720”, by Linda Breuer Gray, 1999

Abstract: Using the techniques of microhistory, this thesis explores questions of construction of identity, and the relationship of narrative to identity. 

The thesis follows the lives of several residents of the St. Lawrence valley as they learn about the residents of New York and New England through business, marriage, adoption and trade in furs. 

Using case studies of seventeenth-century native and European individuals, as well as information from folklore, parish registers, letters and legal documents, movement in the border region between settled colonies is examined. 

A nominal index describes the origins of, and provides capsule biographies for, 694 residents of New France whose roots were neither in France nor in the native communities. An examination of these cases allows a comparison between personal choice and social constraint in a colonial context.

(2)
Claude Caron (1641-1708) is our 10th great-uncle.