Tuesday, November 18, 2025

Voyageurs and Coureurs des Bois: Pioneers of the North American Fur Trade

 


In the vast wilderness of early North America, two intertwined figures emerged as central to the fur trade: the voyageurs and the coureurs des bois. While their roles often overlapped in practice—many individuals shifted between them depending on circumstances—their distinctions in the context of the fur trade were clear. Voyageurs, also known as engagés, were contracted wage-earning canoe transportation workers employed by organized trading companies. From the 1650s to the 1850s, they served as the backbone of firms like the North West Company, focusing primarily on the licensed, long-distance transport of furs and trade goods across the continent's interior. In contrast, coureurs des bois were independent entrepreneurs, or "woods runners," who engaged in all aspects of fur trading, from trapping and negotiating with Indigenous peoples to selling pelts. These terms have been used broadly and interchangeably over time, but in the fur trade era, voyageurs emphasized logistics and labor, while coureurs des bois embodied self-directed commerce and exploration.


The lifestyle of the coureur des bois was one of unparalleled freedom and adventure, which appealed deeply to the French temperament more than to any other European group. These men relished the thrill of the unknown, the beauty of untamed nature, substantial earnings, and a life unbound by societal norms or the grueling toil of farming. They lived intimately among Indigenous peoples, adopting their ways, dress, and skills, becoming as adept in forest survival as their hosts. Most coureurs des bois lived for the moment, with little regard for the future. As one reported, "there is no life so happy, none so independent, no place where a man enjoys so much variety and freedom as in the Indian country." This magnetic pull drew men of good birth, often with military training and education, into the woods, where they roamed freely, trading directly in Indigenous villages and beyond. Without the coureurs des bois, the fur trade might not have thrived for nearly 200 years, as they pioneered routes and relationships that sustained the industry.


Voyageurs, while sharing much of this adventurous spirit, operated within a more structured framework. Recruited primarily from French-Canadian communities along the St. Lawrence Valley—such as Québec, Montréal, Trois-Rivières, Sorel, La Prairie, Châteauguay, Chambly, Boucherville, Longueuil, St-Ours, and L'Assomption—they signed contracts to paddle canoes, carry bundles, and perform general labor. Their work was grueling: at least 14 hours a day, maintaining 50 strokes per minute while navigating routes that could span over 3,100 miles. They faced constant hazards, including drowning in rapids, hernias from heavy loads, broken limbs, twisted spines, rheumatism, and relentless swarms of black flies and mosquitoes. The most effective repellent was a pungent mix of bear grease and skunk urine. Many grew long hair as an additional shield against insects.



Daily life for voyageurs followed a rigorous routine. They were roused as early as 3 a.m. without breakfast, paddling until an 8 a.m. stop for a meal on a beach. Midday lunch around 2 p.m. often consisted of pemmican or "biscuit" eaten while paddling. Hourly breaks were taken for pipe smoking, with distances measured in "pipes"—for instance, three pipes equaled 15-20 miles, or a 20-mile lake might take four pipes (about four hours), depending on wind and waves. At nightfall, they unloaded canoes to use as shelters, warmed a pre-cooked supper, and slept under overturned vessels draped with tarps. An overnight kettle simmered peas, water, and pork, with biscuits added at dawn to create a thick porridge that filled a nine-quart kettle.


Voyageurs were categorized by their routes and roles. "Montreal men" or "pork eaters"—named for the boiled pork soup enjoyed by farmers—paddled from Montreal to Grand Portage (later Fort William after 1803) for annual rendezvous and back, handling the Great Lakes' perils. "North men" or "hivernants" wintered in the interior, transporting furs to Grand Portage to meet summer brigades. A rite of passage marked the transition: at the Height of Land, newcomers were sprinkled with water from the first north-flowing stream, vowing never to kiss another's wife without permission, followed by rum and back-slapping to become a true "north man."



Within crews, positions reflected skill levels. The avant (bowman) sat at the front, guiding the route and setting the pace. The gouvernail (steersman) occupied the stern, steering based on the bowman's commands, often standing or sitting. Milieux (middlemen) were inexperienced paddlers in the center, advancing to higher roles with time. Bowsmen and steersmen earned twice the pay of middlemen due to their expertise. Voyageurs dressed practically for the wilderness: a cotton shirt, red toque, buckskin leggings, moose hide moccasins, hooded capote, and a red Assomption sash.


Central to the voyageurs' world were their canoes, ingeniously adapted from Indigenous designs like those of the Ojibwe and Algonquin. These birch bark vessels were lightweight, portable over portages, and capable of carrying immense loads. Two main types dominated: the Canot du Maitre (Montreal Canoe), 30-40 feet long, crewed by 8-12 men, and weighing over 200 pounds empty (requiring four men to carry). It was used for Montreal-to-Grand Portage hauls, navigating the Great Lakes' dangers with outbound loads of about 60 packages (90 pounds each), eight men's personal gear (40 pounds per bag), and provisions totaling around 8,000 pounds or four tons. Inbound, it carried furs.



The smaller Canot du Nord (North Canoe), 18-22 feet long and crewed by 2-6 men, was lighter (carried by two) and suited for interior routes to Grand Portage. Outbound, it transported mostly pelts, personal gear, and some provisions. Inbound loads included five 90-pound bales of merchandise, a bale of canal tobacco, a bale of kettles, a case of guns, a case of iron works, two rolls of twist tobacco, two bags of lead balls, two bags of lead shot, one bag of flour, one keg of sugar, two kegs of gunpowder, and 10 kegs of high wine (nine gallons each), plus men and gear—totaling about 3,000 pounds or 1.5 tons.


Canoes traveled in brigades of 4-8 vessels under a bourgeois (company partner), but the avant led during paddling, dictating route, pace, navigation, and safety. Paddles were hand-carved from cedar for strength and lightness: up to six feet for bowmen and steersmen (who often stood), shorter for middlemen (reaching chin or eye level). Blades were painted, often in red or patterns, and grips were prized for comfort amid thousands of daily strokes.


Routes varied by region. Great Lakes journeys stayed close to shore to evade sudden winds and waves that could capsize laden canoes, though shortcuts across wide bays tempted for speed. Interior paths involved smaller lakes and rivers with frequent portages—rough trails where crews hauled thousands of pounds, each man carrying two 90-pound "pièces." To avoid portages, they often ran rapids at high water (hiding rocks), sometimes emptying canoes first, with skilled paddlers accountable for damage or loss. "Lining" rapids used a 60-100 foot line from shore to pull the canoe while the steersman and gear remained aboard. Brigades followed the avant's orders, maintaining 50 strokes per minute.



The rise of these figures troubled French authorities. By 1680, Intendant Jacques Duchesneau estimated over 800 coureurs des bois out of a New France population of 9,700, noting that "there is not a family of any account but has sons, brothers, uncles, and nephews among these ‘Coureurs des bois.’” In 1681, an edict from the King of France forbade unlicensed trading, offering amnesty to those in the illegal trade. To control the oversupply of furs flooding Montreal—harming local merchants who provided clothing, muskets, and copper pots—a permit system was introduced. 


Only 25 permits were granted annually, authorizing a canoe with goods and three paddlers for trade in Indigenous villages. Trips, destinations, and voyageur names had to be registered with notaries. La Prairie seigneury, developing alongside these traders, was ideally positioned for dealings with Montreal merchants and English at Albany. By 1700, estimates placed voyageurs at 400-500 annually and coureurs des bois at 2,500-3,000. One governor lamented, "I cannot tell you how attractive this life is to all our youth. It consists of doing nothing, caring nothing, following every inclination, and getting out of the way of all restraint."



In essence, voyageurs and coureurs des bois were the daring architects of North America's fur trade expansion, blending French ingenuity with Indigenous knowledge. Their legacy endures in the exploration of Western Canada, as seen in figures like La Vérendrye in 1732, and in the countless families, including many ancestors, who embodied both roles—working for others as voyageurs or independently as coureurs des bois.


Courtesy of Drifting Cowboy as amended and updated by Grok xAI.








Friday, November 14, 2025

The Le Ber & Le Moyne Trading Post

 


The Le Ber-Le Moyne House, located in Lachine, Quebec, is one of the oldest surviving structures in Montreal and a significant historical site tied to the fur trade and colonial life in New France. Built in 1669–1671 by Jacques Le Ber (c. 1633–1706), a prominent merchant and brother of François Le Ber, and his brother-in-law Charles Le Moyne (1626–1685), it served as a fortified trading post, residence, and hub for their fur trade empire. Its connection to the Le Ber and Le Moyne families, including François Le Ber (father of Marie Le Ber, who married François Bourassa), underscores its role in the economic and social fabric of 17th-century Quebec.


Historical Context and Purpose


In the 1660s, Lachine, situated on the St. Lawrence River west of Montreal’s Ville-Marie, was a strategic gateway for the fur trade. Canoes departing from Lachine’s rapids carried goods to the pays d'en haut (Great Lakes region) and returned with beaver pelts, the economic backbone of New France. Jacques Le Ber and Charles Le Moyne, both wealthy and influential, partnered to establish a fortified post to secure their trade operations amid ongoing Iroquois raids during the Beaver Wars (1630s–1700s). The house was designed to withstand attacks, store trade goods (e.g., cloth, tools, alcohol), and manage pelts, while also serving as a residence and administrative center.


Construction and Features


  • Construction (1669–1671): Built on land granted to Charles Le Moyne in 1669 within the fief of La Citière in Lachine, the house was a joint venture with Jacques Le Ber, who supplied capital and materials. Constructed by local craftsmen, it used fieldstone and mortar, typical of early colonial architecture, with thick walls for defense.
  • Design: The original structure was a rectangular, two-story building with a gabled roof and small windows, resembling Norman farmhouses but fortified with a stone exterior to resist arrows and musket fire. It included:
    • A main hall for trade negotiations and storage.
    • Living quarters for the Le Ber and Le Moyne families or their agents.
    • A cellar for furs and provisions.
    • Defensive features like loopholes for muskets and a palisade (added later).
  • Size and Layout: The house measured approximately 20 meters long by 10 meters wide, with a footprint suited for both commerce and habitation. Outbuildings, such as a barn and stable, were added over time for livestock and voyageurs’ equipment.
  • Location: Positioned near Lachine’s waterfront (modern-day 25th Avenue, near the St. Lawrence), it offered direct access to canoe routes and proximity to Indigenous trading partners like the Algonquin and Huron.


Role in the Fur Trade


The Le Ber-Le Moyne House was a nerve center for the fur trade, particularly for the Compagnie du Nord (founded 1682), in which Jacques Le Ber was a major investor alongside Charles Le Moyne. It facilitated:


  • Storage and Exchange: Goods from France (textiles, metalware, brandy) were stored and traded with Indigenous groups for pelts, which were then shipped to Europe via Quebec City.
  • Voyageur Operations: The house served as a departure point for canoe brigades, including those led by later family members like René Bourassa, grandson of François Le Ber. Voyageurs like François Bourassa (Marie Le Ber’s husband) likely interacted with the post during their expeditions.
  • Indigenous Diplomacy: Jacques Le Ber and Charles Le Moyne hosted Algonquin, Ottawa, and Huron traders, offering gifts to secure alliances against Iroquois rivals. The house was a site for negotiations and cultural exchange.


Key Historical Events


  • 1689 Lachine Massacre: On August 5, 1689, during the Nine Years’ War, approximately 1,500 Mohawk warriors attacked Lachine in retaliation for French campaigns. The Le Ber-Le Moyne House, though fortified, was overwhelmed. Jacques Le Ber’s trading post was looted, and many settlers were killed or captured. The attack devastated his operations, with losses estimated at 20,000 livres (a fortune). The house itself survived but required repairs.
  • Reconstruction (1690s): Jacques Le Ber rebuilt the post, adding a stone mill in 1686–1690 for grinding grain and further fortifying the site. By 1694, his wealth (60,000+ livres in assets) enabled him to restore operations, though he shifted some activities to Montreal’s safer core.
  • British Transition (1760s): After the British conquest of New France in 1760, the house passed through various owners but remained a trade hub under British merchants. Its fur trade role diminished as the industry shifted to Hudson’s Bay Company posts.


Later History and Preservation


  • 18th–19th Century: The house changed hands, serving as a private residence, farmstead, and later a warehouse. Its sturdy construction preserved it while other colonial buildings decayed.
  • 20th Century Recognition: By the 1930s, historians identified the house as a rare surviving example of 17th-century New France architecture. It was designated a historic site by Quebec in 1960.
  • Restoration and Museum: In 1984, the City of Lachine acquired the property, and it was restored to reflect its 1671 appearance. Since 1985, it has operated as the Lachine Museum (Musée de Lachine), housing exhibits on the fur trade, colonial life, and the Le Ber-Le Moyne legacy. The adjacent Fur Trade at Lachine National Historic Site, managed by Parks Canada, includes a reconstructed warehouse to showcase voyageur life.
  • Archaeological Finds: Excavations in the 1980s and 1990s uncovered artifacts like trade beads, musket balls, and Indigenous pottery, confirming the site’s role in cross-cultural exchange. These are displayed in the museum.


Connection to François Le Ber and Marie Le Ber


  • François Le Ber (1626–1694) our 8th great grandfather: As Jacques’s older brother, François was a merchant and militia captain who likely supplied goods to the Lachine post and collaborated on trade ventures. His daughter Marie Le Ber (1666–1756), who married François Bourassa, grew up in this milieu, with her family’s wealth tied to Jacques’s operations. The house was a backdrop to Marie’s early life, as the Le Ber family’s Montreal and La Prairie homes were linked to Lachine’s trade network.
  • Jacques Le Ber (1633–1706): The primary builder and operator, Jacques used the house to amass a fortune (79,380 livres in remittances by 1693) and secure ennoblement in 1696. His partnership with Charles Le Moyne tied the house to the Le Moyne dynasty, including Charles’s sons (e.g., Pierre Le Moyne d’Iberville), who expanded French exploration.
  • Marie Le Ber and Bourassa Family, our 7th great grandparents: Marie’s husband, François Bourassa, and their son René Bourassa dit LaRonde, used Lachine as a staging ground for their own fur trade expeditions. René’s voyages to Michilimackinac and Lake of the Woods (1730s) were extensions of the trade networks centered at places like the Le Ber-Le Moyne House.


Cultural and Architectural Significance


The house is a rare artifact of New France’s frontier economy, blending French and Indigenous influences. Its stone construction contrasts with the wood-heavy buildings of early Montreal, reflecting the need for defense. The site symbolizes the fur trade’s dual nature: economic opportunity and violent conflict, as seen in the 1689 massacre. Today, it offers insights into the lives of merchants like Jacques and François Le Ber, voyageurs like the Bourassas, and Indigenous traders.


Post courtesy of Drifting Cowboy and Grok xAI.

Thursday, November 13, 2025

Jacques Pinsonneault dit Lafleur’s marriage to Marie Élisabeth Bourassa

 


Marie Élisabeth Bourassa (1695–1766)


Marie Élisabeth Bourassa, often recorded as Élisabeth in parish documents, was born and baptized on February 25, 1695, at the Nativité-de-la-Prairie-de-la-Magdeleine parish in La Prairie, Quebec (then Nouvelle-France). She was the sixth child (and fourth surviving daughter) of François Bourassa (c. 1659–1708), a voyageur and fur trader from Poitou, France, and Marie Le Ber (1666–1756), daughter of the prominent Montreal merchant François Le Ber. Her birth came during a turbulent period in the colony, marked by Iroquois raids and the fur trade's expansion, which her father actively participated in. Élisabeth grew up in the modest family home adjacent to the La Prairie church, a hub for trade and community life south of Montreal on the St. Lawrence River. The 1708 smallpox epidemic that claimed her father's life left her mother to raise the younger children, including the 13-year-old Élisabeth, amid ongoing hardships.


Marriage and Family Life


At age 17, Élisabeth married Jean dit Jacques Pinsonneault dit Lafleur on July 21, 1712, at Nativité-de-la-Prairie-de-la-Magdeleine. The ceremony, witnessed by family members and local notables, united two settler lines: the Bourassas, tied to the fur trade elite via the Le Bers, and the Pinsonneaults, descendants of a Carignan-Salières soldier. The couple settled in La Prairie, where Jacques worked as a farmer and laborer on seigneurial land. Élisabeth managed a large household, enduring the colony's high infant mortality and colonial conflicts, including the transition to British rule after 1760.


They had at least six documented children, baptized in La Prairie, who contributed to the region's French-Canadian population. Many descendants spread across Quebec and into the U.S., linking to later notable Bourassa-Pinsonneault lines. Here's a summary of known children:


Child

Birth/Death

Notes

Françoise Pinsonneault

b. Jul 10, 1713 – d. aft. 1736

Married Pierre Bissonnette in 1736; farmer's wife in La Prairie area.


Anne Pinsonneault

b. Sep 12, 1715 – d. unknown

Limited records; likely married locally and remained in Quebec.



René Pinsonneault

b. Mar 15, 1718 – d. c. 1780

Farmer; married Marie-Josephte Patenaude; ancestors in Monteregie region.



Marguerite Pinsonneault

b. Jun 22, 1720 – d. unknown

Married into local families; contributed to early Quebec settlement.



Pascal Pinsonnault dit Lafleur

b. Apr 5, 1723 – d. c. 1790

Voyageur and farmer; married twice; extended family into Ontario.



Marie Amable Pinsonneault


+ Joseph Pinsonneau (Pinsono) DNA Match, 

5th great-grandfather

Birth 10 APR 1733 • La Prairie, Quebec, Canada

Death 8 AUG 1799 • Longueuil, Quebec, Canada

b. Feb 14, 1726 – d. aft. 1750

Married Jean-Baptiste Courville; stayed in La Prairie parish.


Élisabeth's life reflected the resilience of French-Canadian women: devout, family-centered, and adaptive to frontier challenges. Parish records describe her as a parishioner active in community sacraments.


Death


Élisabeth died on November 19 or 20, 1766 (sources vary slightly), at age 71, in La Prairie during the early years of British colonial rule. She was buried on November 20 at Nativité-de-la-Prairie-de-la-Magdeleine, outliving her husband by six years. Her death occurred amid the post-Conquest adjustments, including land tenure changes under the British.


Jean dit Jacques Pinsonneault dit Lafleur (c. 1682–1773)


Jean dit Jacques Pinsonneault (variants: Pinsonneau, Pinsono), known by his "dit" name Lafleur (meaning "the flower," a common soldier's nickname), was born around 1682–1691 (most sources favor 1682) in the Richelieu River valley, likely at Saint-Ours-des-Chaulnes (now Saint-Ours, Quebec). He was baptized on March 19, 1682, at Contrecœur parish. As the fourth son of François Pinsonneau dit Lafleur (c. 1646–1731), a soldier in the Carignan-Salières Regiment who arrived in New France in 1665 to combat Iroquois threats, and Anne Le Pér(e) (c. 1647–1732), an early settler from France, Jacques embodied the second-generation colonist's life. His father, granted land by Seigneur Pierre de Saint-Ours in 1673, farmed along the Richelieu, providing stability amid the Beaver Wars. Jacques grew up in a large family of eight siblings, learning agriculture and basic militia duties in a region prone to raids.


Early Life and Career


Little is documented of Jacques's youth beyond baptismal records, but as a habitant (settler-farmer), he likely assisted on the family concession before striking out independently. By his early 20s, he relocated to La Prairie, a fur-trading outpost, where opportunities in farming and seasonal labor abounded. Unlike his fur-trading in-laws, Jacques focused on agriculture: tilling seigneurial lots, raising livestock, and supplying Montreal markets. The 1710s–1730s censuses list him as a laboureur (plowman) with modest holdings—cattle, tools, and cleared land—typical of middle-tier habitants. He served in local militias during Anglo-French skirmishes, contributing to defenses against potential Iroquois or British incursions.


Marriage and Family


Jacques's marriage to Élisabeth Bourassa in 1712 (detailed above) elevated his social standing through ties to the influential Le Ber merchant family. At the wedding, his parents—then in their 60s—were noted as alive but absent, underscoring their Richelieu roots. The union produced the children listed earlier, with Jacques providing for them amid epidemics and economic shifts. He outlived five of his siblings and saw grandchildren establish in La Prairie and beyond. Notarial records show him in land transactions: selling parcels in the 1730s and dividing inheritance among heirs by the 1750s.


Later Life and Death


Jacques lived through the pivotal Seven Years' War (1756–1763), witnessing the French defeat at the Plains of Abraham (1759) and the 1760 British conquest from his farm. He adapted to the new regime, paying quit-rents under British seigneurs while preserving French customs. In old age, he relied on family support, as indicated by 1760s parish aid notations.


Jacques died on March 19, 1773, at about age 91, in La Prairie. He was buried on March 22 at Nativité-de-la-Prairie-de-la-Magdeleine, described in the record as "Jacques Pinsonneau dit Lafleur, aged about 82" (a common underestimation). His will, if extant, would detail modest assets passed to sons René and Pascal.


Legacy


Élisabeth and Jacques's union bridged fur trade and farming worlds, producing descendants who farmed Quebec's south shore and ventured into the American Midwest. Their line includes thousands of Pinsonneault-Lafleurs, with ties to modern Quebecois families. This couple exemplifies the enduring French-Canadian habitant class: rooted in land, faith, and kin amid colonial upheaval. For primary sources, consult the Drouin Collection (via Genealogy Quebec) or PRDH for parish acts; secondary references include Cyprien Tanguay's Dictionnaire généalogique (Vol. 1, p. 76).


Post courtesy of Drifting Cowboy & Grok xAI.